What channels are the public most willing to participate in anti-corruption? According to an online survey conducted by the Social Investigation Center of China Youth Daily in 2009 (1983 people participated), 7 1.5% people said they would "participate in anti-corruption", and "online exposure" became the most popular channel for the public to participate, followed by "reporting" (58.2%) and "media exposure" (.
In stark contrast to the enthusiasm of online people for spontaneous anti-corruption, the enthusiasm of traditional citizens for reporting has cooled down. Although the discipline inspection and supervision organs continue to encourage whistleblowers through rewards, the proportion of real-name reports in some places is still declining. According to the information disclosed by the Beijing Procuratorate in the "Report Publicity Week" in 2008, during the five years from 2003 to 2008, only 35% of the cases accepted by the Beijing Procuratorate were reported by the masses, a sharp drop compared with nearly 70% at the beginning of this century.
Qin Xiyan, a famous lawyer in Hunan Province, believes that the main reasons for this change in anti-corruption channels are that the current laws and regulations in China are not enough to protect witnesses, the legal provisions on witness protection are too principled, and there is a lack of practical protection measures in procedures; The emphasis is on passive punishment afterwards, and only after the witness is violated can it be remedied by punishing the crime.
Yang Ping, former secretary of the Disciplinary Committee of Zhuzhou City, believes that the rise of network anti-corruption has made up for some shortcomings of China's current anti-corruption system to some extent. The common people hate the endless corruption, but the traditional way of reporting is inefficient, lack of supervision and not smooth enough. Because of the fear of "officials protecting each other", ordinary people think that reporting through official channels is costly and risky. Network channel has the characteristics of wide spread, convenient spread, strong concealment, low cost and low risk, and is increasingly accepted by people. Moreover, the "amplification effect" of the network is easy to create a sensational effect, which is immediate and attracts the attention of relevant departments, and it can also make the exposed corruption incident enter the judicial process as soon as possible.
Jin Jianbin, a professor at Tsinghua University School of Journalism and Communication, believes that it is difficult for the public to objectively evaluate people and things around them in real life, but on the Internet, people can speak out boldly and form a joint force because they are in a strange context, which is the vitality of online anti-corruption. But at the same time, in some typical cases of network anti-corruption, many reports of netizens and the media were finally falsified.
Jin Jianbin said that due to the hidden characteristics of the network, it is not excluded that some people create shadows under the condition of insufficient evidence. In order to achieve personal goals, personal grievances are mixed into "network disclosure" and the power of the network is used to achieve personal revenge.
In addition, as a "public instrument", the network can not only achieve the purpose of anti-corruption, but also sometimes become a tool for corrupt elements to "bleach" themselves and "discredit" others. Zhou Nong, member of the Standing Committee of the Hunan Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection and deputy director of the Supervision Department, told reporters that there have been signs of "network anti-corruption" in the society. There have been two typical cases in Hunan Province: First, after being investigated for corruption, members of the former party group of Loudi Municipal Bureau of Commerce "shouted grievances" everywhere through the Internet and falsely accused the case handlers; The other is Wu, the daughter of Wu, the former secretary of Chengbu County, who started a blog "Defending her father". Zhou Nong believes that the similarity between the two cases lies in that some people's distrust of the government and the judiciary was used to create the image of "weak" to gain the sympathy of netizens, and then the online trial put pressure on the judiciary and interfered with the normal operation of the judiciary.
Jin Jianbin believes that whether it is "network anti-corruption" or "network anti-corruption", the phenomenon of "public opinion hegemony" reflected behind it can not be ignored. As a kind of "public opinion", online public opinion can be manipulated artificially in a sense. Although everyone on the Internet has an equal right to speak, once its "irrational" characteristics are used and manipulated by some "network promoters", it is easy to form "majority violence".
Qing Lixin, director of the Internet Publicity and Management Office of Hunan Provincial Party Committee, analyzed that the convenience and infinite diffusion of network communication make it easier for individuals who are difficult to aggregate in real life to gather at low cost, and make the information that was passed down by word of mouth in the past present geometric communication. Therefore, with the popularity of the network, the phenomenon of group polarization in the network has become more prominent. For example, before and after the motorcycle racing incident in Hangzhou, the stabbing death of a civil servant by Deng Yujiao, the Yang Jia assaulting a police officer, the Weng 'an incident in Guizhou, the Longnan incident in Gansu and the crash of the Hunan Provincial Personnel Department, many online forums published a lot of irrational and extreme remarks, some of which even extended to greater harm in reality. Therefore, how to avoid the polarization of network groups is an urgent task to be studied and dealt with in the process of promoting network anti-corruption.