My father was a famous lawyer in Paris, and my mother was a member of the Resistance in World War II. Debray successfully passed the entrance examination to the école Normale Supérieure in 1960: he entered the school as the top student in the entrance examination, then obtained the qualification of teaching philosophy in 1965, and was also known as an activist in the * * * student union. In the same year, he came to Cuba and followed Che Guevara to Bolivia. He then theorized his participation in the Bolivian National Liberation Army in the book "Revolution within a Revolution," in which he developed Che Guevara's "guerrilla-centered theory": increasing the guerrilla family.
Arrested on April 20, 1967, and later tortured by government troops to extract a confession. He may have provided critical information, including confirmation that Che Guevara was in Bolivia. An agreement between Debray and the CIA may have been uncovered (in the eyes of some) (an exchange of information to stop torture and guarantees of leniency). He was imprisoned for four years. After his release from prison, he met former Chilean President Salvador Allende and Chilean poet Pablo Neruda. After the meeting with Alander, he wrote a book "Talking to Alander about the Situation in Chile" and a video of the meeting: "Alander's Explanation" (one of the videos was posted on the official website of the Clean Creation Association). He returned to France in 1973.
From 1981 to 1985, he was appointed by the French President to assist in handling international affairs. He was involved in the kidnapping of Nazi Kloz Balbi, a Bolivian executioner who was later sentenced in France for crimes against humanity. Debray was later appointed secretary-general of the South Pacific Commission, then chief complainant to the French Government Commission, and then fell into disuse. He resigned in 1992.
In 1991, he was responsible for the World Expo exhibition held by France in Serbia. Later he submitted his doctoral thesis in 1993 at the University of Paris I: "The Life and Death of Image". History of the West".
He then began to study media and communication studies, and founded the journal "Cahiers de médiologie" (Cahiers de Médiologie) in 1996.
65438-0998 Served as international professor Head of the teaching program of the School of Philosophy, he also serves as chairman of the French Institute of Advanced Information Science and Library Science. In 2002, he took the lead in establishing the European Academy of Religious Sciences (separated from the Institute of Advanced Practical Sciences in Paris).
In 2005, he founded the journal "Innovative Communication" and was appointed honorary president of the European Academy of Religious Sciences.
Debre believes:
Regis Debray has great influence on social groups. was very interested in religion and belief. His initial assumption was simple: without transcendence, there would be no society (which is why he never got rid of the Catholic imprint). At the same time, secular government also has its moral responsibilities, which does not mean that we Being an atheist, we have no sacred values. For him, transcendence is necessary for social cohesion. The Soviet Union had Lenin, the United States had George Washington, and France also had its mysterious heroes of the Republic. .
According to Debray, a group can only be defined if it has a prior reference (whether territorial, empty or legendary) to which people's beliefs always vote. empirical reference. He believed it was necessary to define a group through an external, incomplete entity, which he called the "collective sacred," which was what the group believed best represented them. Mutual trust, thereby ensuring social order.
De Bray asserts that this "sanctity" depends on the technology of information transmission, and he calls the study of this knowledge "media science". The new field studies the carriers of information. Debray believes that these carriers change customs and change the relationship between power and knowledge. Debray is particularly interested in the following three examples:
——The first book he called. Known as the "canon," the first bound Christian Bible, this Christian invention could change the social order.
The second revolution, the second "holy" revolution, was the invention of printing. The widespread dissemination of books and knowledge led to the emergence of schools, the state, and the separation of church and state.
The third major technology is the development of computer technology, especially the Internet. On this huge Internet, there are no borders and no governments. What kind of "holiness" will result?
Media is Debray's main later work. How does an abstract idea become a material force? What is the power of thoughts? How did the idea of ??a unique, holistic, universal God acquire such power, and how was this power expressed through religious ritual? How did the idea of ??a completely abstract god incarnate as a human subvert the Roman Empire? Why are people turning to this belief bit by bit? Debray focuses on these issues by studying modes of communication. For him, the messenger determines the message. His argument is as follows: "Among settled nomads, the invention of the alphabet attached to a shared technology (code) was the only condition for the emergence of God." Without this, the idea of ??a single God would have been impossible, Jewish God will be a god of death. Transportation is achieved through the sharing of words and the concept of a transcendent God. Debray also constructed a concept of media field, that is, transportation technology participates in the change of beliefs, that is, the change of social order.
In the Age of Enlightenment, people believed that religion could be destroyed, but Debray tells us that people cannot destroy faith. He said: France's current crisis is a symbolic crisis for the United States, due to a lack of "sanctity." For Debray, the last French figure with political and republican significance was Fran?ois Mitterrand. The United States has successfully avoided this "holy crisis" because it has a sense of civic duty and patriotism, even if they serve "bad motives." The advent of the dollar is an example: “In God We Trust.” It is the symbols of patriotism that give America its strength. Europe is in crisis because there is no symbolic power. Debray attempted to prove his theory by applying G?del's incompleteness theorem to social order. His use of these mathematical results was strongly criticized by some scholars, such as Alan Sokal and Jean Briemont, who believed that their use was unwarranted.
De Bray believes that when symbolism is exhausted, the power of religion will return. The more dematerialized the symbolic power is (religion), the stronger the symbolic order is, and the more historical the symbolic power is (character). Humans without faith will turn into animals. How to make a non-religious “sacred” exist and at the same time make it symbolic?
Debre’s works can be found on Debray’s official website: /
The Trial of Regis Debray: l967-The Trial of Important Cases in the World: The Record of the Most Important Court Debate in History (content from Law Library Website, /flsz/sz_view.asp?no=1806OAgt;?:
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The Trial of Régis Debray: 1967
The military tribunal against French intellectual Jules Régis. Debray stood in a village full of flies in Bolivia, a winding road. Debray was born in 1941. His family is a privileged and conservative family - his father is a lawyer, and his mother participated in the French Resistance Movement in World War II and later became a female parliamentarian in Paris. Debray attended an elite normal school, where he was influenced by the Marxist philosopher Professor Louis Artis. In 1957, Algeria's war for independence from France broke out, which affected the 16-year-old Debray. The process of transformation was complete four years later when he found the leader of the Cuban revolution, Fidel Castro. Debray hitchhiked from New York to Miami and ended up teaching in a rural school in Cuba. He was very familiar with Castro, who came to power in Cuba in 1959, and spent a lot of time discussing with him.
Debray was convinced by the theory of productism, and after returning to Paris, he began to use Marx's theory to explain the history and politics of Latin America.
In 1962, he went to Venezuela to direct a documentary about the guerrilla war there, and later traveled across the continent. After returning to France, he published many articles on the topic and taught philosophy for a while. In 1965, through exchange activities with Cuba, Debray returned to Havana and became a teacher, where he continued his friendship with Castro. From 65438 to 0966, he lectured at several universities in Bolivia and studied the country's political situation. After returning to Cuba in early 1967, he quickly and quietly returned to Bolivia via Chile and disappeared until he was captured on April 20 near an abandoned guerrilla camp in southeastern Bolivia.
The Bolivian army accused him of active participation in guerrilla activities, a charge that was documented in his own book, Revolution within a Revolution? ” In this book, Debray supported Castro’s revolutionary theory and advocated uprisings in every Latin American country. Regarding Bolivia, he specifically discussed the potentially victorious 1965 riots.
Before the trial began, Debray was detained by the military for more than five months. During this time he was interrogated, tortured and held in solitary confinement. He was neither formally charged by the Sheriff nor allowed to retain an attorney. The two men who interrogated him were Eduardo Gonzalez and Felix Ramos, CIA operatives exiled to Cuba who had flown from a Panamanian counterguerrilla training center shortly after Debray's arrest. Come. Debray later said that he rejected their offer to cooperate with them in exchange for his freedom. Nonetheless, the CIA insisted on a careful interrogation, and international pressure for a fair trial prevented Debray from being summarily executed.
In May 2019, Walter Flores Torico, a Bass lawyer and deputy dean of the School of Law, applied for personal rights protection and was criticized by Bolivia’s Commander-in-Chief Obando. . "Bolivia should not do this," he insisted. After much difficulty, Flores discovered that Debray was imprisoned in Camille. Finally, on June 28, he brought a group of reporters to interview him. After making conflicting statements about his actions, Debray denied that he was a member of the Communist Party, that he had fought with the Bolivian army, and that he knew where Ernesto "Che" Guevara was. The man was an Argentine-born revolutionary and guerrilla general who helped Castro gain political power. There has been no news for two years. Rumors propelled Guevara to the peak of the Bolivian uprising.
Bolivian President René Barrientos called Debre "Castro's spy" and described him as "an adventurer who came to Bolivia to bring misery to Bolivian families." , referring to the March 23 ambush that killed 18 soldiers. In an interview with reporters in August, Debray still believed he was innocent, but admitted that he believed in Marxism. "I'm still a Marxist - maybe more so than before - and as a journalist, I still don't believe in objective reporting. I wrote a book and that's it. I get blamed for it," he also clarified. "I am an intellectual revolutionary... However, all aspiring intellectuals should be revolutionaries and vice versa. Any revolutionary should be willing to use knowledge to change the world." He insisted that he came to Bolivia The only reason is that he works for the Mexican newspaper Sucesos Parato. dos. On different occasions, he both confirmed and denied that Guevara was in Bolivia.
Finally, being allowed to visit his parents and his childhood nanny brought more trouble. They fired Bolivian lawyers and persuaded Debray to defend himself. In her appeal to the Bolivian president, Mrs. Debray claimed that "within 48 hours of his son's arrest, the CIA would place a secret dossier on President Barrientos' desk. They would force the Bolivian government to arrest him, The result was that his imprisonment was illegal from the outset.
Her defense of the guerrillas also outraged the Bolivian people, as his audience included the families of fallen soldiers. Meanwhile, posters appeared on the streets describing Debray as an assassin and threatening that "the murderers will also be punished." Kill. ”
However, international support for Debray remained strong. Petitions and letters continued to pour in from governments, politicians and writers, including French President Charles de Gaulle, Bertrand Ro
Trial verdict
The trial began on September 26. Also indicted with Debray were the Argentinian painter Hero Roberto Bustos; three miners who had participated in guerrilla warfare; The farmer who supplied them with the material; the guerrilla fighter Jorge Vazquez Bion, who was also the son of a famous historian. Bion was seriously injured when he was captured and lay in a hospital bed while recovering. mysteriously disappeared. The military claimed that he had fled to Argentina, but still set up a chair in court as a "witness against the accusation." By this time, Debray had a new defense attorney, Raúl Noviglio. Captain Villarroel.
The accuser's accusations centered around Debray's book, which he described as "a guerrilla manual that brought panic and death to the country." "Captain Noviglio replied that Debre was on the record.
Entered Bolivia in his own name and held a valid passport; he carried a letter of introduction indicating that he was a credible journalist, was looking for information related to guerrilla activities; Debray traveled through underground channels to Cavaz, where he interviewed Ernesto Guevara before openly returning to the military-occupied territory; moreover, despite his sympathies with the guerrillas, He only used the rifle for hunting and did not help the guerrillas in any way, nor did he participate in the ambush. When the reporter at the scene looked at the photo of Debray holding the rifle, he said that although he was with the guerrillas, the picture was not clear and he did not have a rifle.
On October 2, 1965, when the trial was suspended, Debray told the Bolivian students, "For me, it is an honor and glory to become a guerrilla at this time, and it is even more important to become the leader of the liberation movement. Big honor. If I was going to be convicted anyway, why should I give up this honor? I would rather be sentenced to 30 years in prison as a guerrilla than die as a journalist. I agree with the actions of the guerrillas, but I am not a member of the Bolivian National Liberation Army. “While the trial was going on for two weeks, the unexpected happened. On October 7, 65438, 75 miles north of Camil, Bolivian troops captured the wounded Ernesto Guevara, He was executed the next day. Soldiers found a private diary and secret messages in his backpack, which were presented as evidence at the trial, confirming that Debray, codenamed "Dandong," was actually Enes. Courier between Guevara and Fidel Castro, the latter providing weapons, money, medical supplies and other support to the former, Debray arrived at Guevara's camp on March 19, 2009. In a note dated March 21, Guevara wrote, “The Frenchman wants to join us. I told him to go to France to organize a support network and return via Havana. "On March 25, Guevara wrote that he gave a long speech to the French and introduced the situation here. We decided to call this operation the "National Liberation Front of Bolivia."
Although There was such evidence, but the defense captain, Captain Novilio, insisted in his concluding remarks that there was no evidence that Debray was involved in crimes such as murder, robbery, and rebellion, and urged the judge to find all charges unfounded. In addition, Novilio insisted that Debray had never been involved. Organizing or helping organize the guerrilla war, nor taking part in the ambush, Debray made some clear points in his defense, although he was interrupted by the commotion in the courtroom and was outraged by Guevara's death. La's efforts to liberate Latin America from the United States were compared to Simon Bolivar's efforts to liberate the entire continent from Spain.
He still insists that he is not a representative of the guerrillas and says that his book is just one of the books that revolutionaries read. He insisted that he had not taken part in any military operations and said that his speeches made out of moral and political sympathy were wrongly used as evidence of guerrilla military operations. He concluded, "I would like to clarify that my mission was to go abroad and explain to people what the purpose of the guerrillas was, as part of the revolutionary work. In this sense, I not only acknowledge but also ask the court to allow me to Sharing responsibility with my guerrilla comrades both politically and politically." He and Bustos were each sentenced to 30 years in prison without the possibility of appeal.
Results
The outcome of the trial embarrassed the Bolivian government in every way. In order to appease the military, President Barrientos ordered that this be a military trial, so not much fairness and justice was shown. Finally, Debray was allowed, at least in part, to make his strong statement. The officials responsible were not prepared to answer questions from the international media. After the trial, all members of the imperial court were promoted to generals.
165438 On October 24, during an interview in his cell, Debray still did not lose his courage. He strongly called for "an armed uprising in Latin America against American colonialism." In the years that followed, the government refused several times to forgive or pardon Debray, despite repeated calls for his release. Debray married Elizabeth Billons in February 1968, and she was allowed to visit him for 10 days every three months. In May 1969, a Red Cross representative noted that he was in good health, writing and reading a lot, although his letters needed to be checked. Suddenly, on February 23, 1970, Debray and Bustos were secretly released and flown to Chile. In 1981, Debray was appointed as French President Mitterrand's special adviser on Third World affairs.