The Sino-Japanese War is of epoch-making significance in the history of imperialist aggression against China. The end of the war brought about a qualitative change in the imperialist economic aggression against China. At the same time, the Sino-Japanese War accelerated the disintegration of the feudal economic structure in China and stimulated the development of capitalism in China. After the war, the national bourgeoisie, as a social and political force, began to step onto the historical stage. The outcome of the war had a far-reaching impact on modern China society and played an important historical role in the process of China's modernization. First, the outcome of the Sino-Japanese War established the semi-colonial social status of modern China. After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, imperialism gained the privilege to invest and set up factories in China, and its economic aggression against China changed qualitatively, and capital export became the main form. First, they control the economic lifeline of China through political loans and opening banks; Second, the right to build railways, mine mineral deposits and divide the sphere of influence in China have been contested. Imperialism plundered and controlled China's economy, manipulated China's politics, and made China's society rapidly move towards a semi-colonial state. Secondly, it objectively stimulated the development of capitalism in modern China. The development of national industry after the Sino-Japanese War has a great relationship with the objective stimulation of the Sino-Japanese War, mainly in two aspects. First, imperialist aggression has provided a larger commodity market and labor market for the development of national industries than before the war. Secondly, the failure of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 aroused China people's anti-imperialist and patriotic feelings, and at the same time prompted the Qing government to adjust the national enterprise policy, which provided opportunities for the development of national industries. Thirdly, it aroused the awakening of national consciousness in modern China. After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the frenzy of carve-up intensified. "Saving the nation from extinction has become the main theme of the times. All walks of life in China are trying their best to save the nation from peril and make the national movement in China move upward, which is mainly manifested in the following aspects: First, the boxer rebellion against imperialism and patriotism with farmers as the main body; Second, the reform movement led by the upper class of the national bourgeoisie and the beginning of the bourgeois revolutionaries. The national crisis after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 aroused the awakening of the national consciousness of the lower class and pushed the emerging national bourgeoisie onto the political stage. China's national bourgeoisie began to consciously shoulder the dual tasks of national independence and social innovation, which promoted the development of China's national movement to a higher level, reflecting the historic turning point in the process of China's people with lofty ideals learning from western advanced civilizations and resisting imperialist aggression. China's fiasco in the Sino-Japanese War declared the bankruptcy of the Westernization Movement and provided enlightenment for bourgeois intellectuals. The signing of treaty of shimonoseki not only stimulated the bourgeois reformers to launch the reform movement, but also promoted the initial formation of China bourgeois revolutionaries overseas.
The failure of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 proved that the westernization of "self-improvement" and "seeking wealth" for 30 years changed only the economic system, not the political system.
The failure of this movement was a major setback for China's first modernization.
1894 ~ 1895 Sino-Japanese War ended in the fiasco of the Qing government. The grim reality of being defeated by the "December 12th Xiao Yi", as well as the great trauma and pain of land compensation, have given China society an all-round and profound shock. As a result, the process of modern metabolism has suddenly accelerated, and various power groups have staged a series of short and heroic tragedies. The Westernization Movement has come to an end, and the Reform Movement is premature. The success of the die-hards and the upsurge of anti-foreign and anti-foreign movements made China almost perish at the beginning of this century. The future of temporary modernization has become more bumpy. If the Opium War changed the historical process of China, the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 made China's modernization process encounter a major setback. From this point of view, this paper re-evaluates the influence of the Sino-Japanese War on China society, re-evaluates the historical process of postwar China, and tries to draw lessons from it and apply them to the world. First, the end of Westernization Movement.
The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 conducted a general examination of the Westernization Movement for 30 years, and the results showed that the goals of "self-improvement" and "seeking wealth" were far from being achieved. How to deepen the modernization of China in the future? As soon as the war was over and the ink on treaty of shimonoseki was not dry, Emperor Guangxu announced to the Chinese and foreign countries: "From then on, I will go up and down, but I will work hard to get rid of the long-standing disadvantages, try my best to study and seek at both ends of training and salary increase, and draw up a plan to promote reform in detail. Don't be lazy, don't be vain, don't be far-sighted, don't follow old habits, and do everything in order to be self-reliant. I have high hopes for Chinese and foreign ministers! " Quoted from Qi's History of the Sino-Japanese War, p. 487, People's Publishing House 1990. Zhang Zhidong, a rising star of the Westernization School, put forward nine suggestions in one breath: training the army urgently, training the navy urgently, repairing the railway urgently, setting up another gun factory, opening schools widely, talking about business quickly, emphasizing industry and politics. "Calling for Repairing the Folding of Stored Materials", see Zhang Wenxiang's Complete Works, Volume 37, Memorial 37. It can be seen from the above that both monarchs and ministers have the determination to carry on the Westernization Movement after the war.
However, in the history after the Sino-Japanese War, did the Westernization Movement still exist? The answer is no, first of all, the rise of the reform trend shows that the focus of the times has shifted; Secondly, the Westernization School began to split and oppose, making it difficult to form an independent force; Finally, westernization activities required a lot of investment from the state, and after the war, the Qing government's finances were at the end of their tether. In this case, after the Sino-Japanese War, except for training, the pace of other westernization activities suddenly slowed down. In a word, although Westernization activities have not stopped completely, they are no longer "movements".
The end of the Westernization Movement is generally regarded by historians as a normal part of China's social metabolism. The author disagrees. Because this is not the result of its own maturity, but the result of being suddenly defeated. This will inevitably have a negative impact on China's modernization process. (1) After the war, Li Hongzhang was devastated, and the Westernization School was divided and opposed, which made China's modernization lose its impetus from the real power class. Li Hongzhang is the actual organizer of the Westernization Movement. Although he was defeated in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, he became the target of public criticism for a short time. He was accused that "all China people can kill him".
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China Modern History Data Series, the Sino-Japanese War, Volume 4, Page 7 1. His lifelong career, sweeping the floor, and Wu Yong's Geng Zi Xi Shou Cong Tan, vol. 10, pp. 128 ~ 130. Soon, in order to cut power, the court raised him from the position of governor of Zhili and minister of Beiyang to the cabinet to handle affairs. In this case, Li Hongzhang turned to protect himself. Another key figure of the Westernization School, Prince Gong, who initiated "self-improvement"? Then it became a die-hard and a resistance to the deepening of modernization. Although Zhang Zhidong is ambitious, he is isolated. In addition, he opposed the cession of land in peacetime and wartime, and he was arrogant and widowed, which has become incompatible with Li Hongzhang. It can be seen that it is difficult for the Westernization School to form a United political force at this time.
The Westernization School was a powerful reform force in the political arena of China at that time. They have great power and rich experience in political struggle, which enabled the Westernization Movement to break through many obstacles and develop and grow. Although the Westernization Movement was one-sided and aimed at maintaining the Qing Dynasty, with the deepening of the Westernization Movement, the establishment of private enterprises and the opening of modern education. The nature of the feudal regime in the Qing Dynasty began to change, and the level of understanding of the Westernization School was constantly improving. In this process, China's early reform thinkers grew up, and Wang Tao, Xue Fucheng, Zheng, Ma Jianzhong and others had deep roots with the Westernization School. Kang Youwei and Sun Yat-sen also have high hopes for Li Hongzhang. After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, the call for further reform came not only from reformists, but also from westernization personages such as Zhang Zhidong, Liu Kunyi, Wang Wenshao and Sheng Xuanhuai. Li Hongzhang also said: "As for the fundamental plan, we should strengthen ourselves through reform." The official letter of Wu Zhiyong, the US Secretary of State, once again sent to an imperial envoy and Li Wenzhong, Volume 3 1. The reform demands of the Westernization School and the Reformists are basically the same, but there are differences on the issues of "civil rights" and "houses". Both sides should seek common ground while reserving differences, communicate with each other and help each other. But the two sides only talked for a while and then went their separate ways. The main reason is that the influence of the Westernization School was greatly reduced after the war, and its reputation was ruined. The reformists disdained to unite with it and were dominated by it. Without the understanding and support of the real power class, any reform in China is impossible. If the reform movement is supported by the Westernization Movement, the reform may become more moderate, although the pace will not be too great, but it will be steady. In a word, the decline of Westernization School makes the development of China modernization face greater resistance.
(2) The premature end of the Westernization Movement weakened the material foundation for the further development of China's modernization. During the Westernization Movement, the establishment and training of large-scale fleets and the establishment of large-scale enterprises attracted worldwide attention. Especially after the completion of Hanyang Iron Works, the largest iron and steel enterprise in Asia, the West called it a "yellow disaster" more worrying than Qiang Bing. Oriental magazine, issue 7, page 66. However, after the Sino-Japanese War, due to financial reasons, this large-scale construction stopped.
After the war, westernization enterprises not only failed to develop, but also failed to preserve their original achievements. Because most of these enterprises were inefficient, the Qing government was unable to bear the burden of losses at this time. 1in June, 895, the Qing government issued an imperial edict, deciding to "change the plan as soon as possible and invite investment to undertake" the civilian industry. Donghua sequel
As far as the economic system reform is concerned, this kind of contracting is of progressive significance, but the result is not entirely so, especially for large steel and mining enterprises. Because, first of all, this is a cheap sale of state assets. Due to the limitation of capital and operating conditions of heavy enterprises, ordinary businessmen were afraid to ask for it, and the Qing government was eager to get rid of the burden, so the conditions dropped again and again. For example, Hanyang Iron Works invested more than 5.8 million yuan, and was finally contracted by Sheng Xuanhuai at 65.43.8+0.2 million yuan, and was granted tax exemption for ten years, exclusive product rights and so on. Sun Yutang's Materials of Modern Industrial History in China, series 1 (vol.6), pp. 828-836. Another example is the Qingxi Iron Works in Guizhou Province, where the state invested more than 300,000 yuan, and as a result, it was contracted by Taoist Chen Mingyuan for 30,000 yuan. Not only the enterprises with poor efficiency were regarded as a burden by the Qing government, but also the enterprises with good efficiency, such as Kaiping Coal Mine, were dumped by the Qing government and contracted by Zhang Yi, an illiterate alcohol servant. Secondly, the above contractors have different purposes and poor management, so that heavy industry has not been developed. For example, after Sheng took over Hanyang Iron Works, although he enjoyed various privileges, the factory was still losing money, and half of the company's employees were relatives and henchmen. These people practice favoritism and malpractice, far exceeding their official operation. Not only did the company make a living by borrowing money, but in 19 13, Sheng Xuanhuai borrowed150,000 yen from Japan and sold the largest steel plant in China to the Japanese. Wang Jingyu, Materials of Modern Industrial History in China, Series II (1), pp. 484-485. After Chen Mingyuan undertook Qingxi Iron Works, it was also poorly managed. Wang Jingyu, Materials of Modern Industrial History in China, Second Series (1), p. 536. As for Kaiping Coal Mine with good benefits, Zhang Yi was heavily in debt and fell into the hands of the British after 1990.
As can be seen from the above, the failure of the Sino-Japanese War and the end of the Westernization Movement were a setback for China's modernization. Although the fruits of westernization cannot be said to be completely wasted, the foundation on which modernization depends has become weaker. In this situation, the young bourgeois reformists stepped onto the historical stage.